Idealism Against Realism In International Policy Politics Essay

Idealism Against Realism In International Policy Politics Essay The history of the modern political science is to a great extent the story of continuing struggle between the two paradigms, the two belief systems on the basis of international order and means of stabilizing international relations. Representatives of one of them, the tradition of which dates back to Stoic philosophy and the biblical postulates of the unity of the human race, the views of the medieval theologian F. de Vitoria and outstanding thinker of the 18th century Immanuel Kant, believe that a stable international order can be built and maintained only in the light of universal moral principles and based on these laws (Pijl 3-34). In practice, this political paradigm the paradigm of political idealism finds its fullest expression in the policy developed under the leadership of President Woodrow Wilson, particularly in his program of permanent universal intergovernmental organization the League of Nations, which was to become a guarantor and an instrument of the new internati onal order after the First World War. Further, the paper covers the idea that the political views of Wilson significantly differed for the postulates of realism and need to become more realist in applying them to the contemporary politics. The main ideas of a paradigm of political realism Wilson opposed can already be found in The History of the Peloponnesian War by the ancient Greek historian Thucydides, the views of the Italian political philosopher Machiavelli, English philosopher Thomas Hobbes in his theory of the natural state, his fellow countryman David Hume, who asserted a theory of political equilibrium, German General Carl von Clausewitz and others (Pijl 3-34). Already in 1932, American theologian R. Niebuhr in his book Moral Man and Immoral Society criticized the pacifism of idealists and their short-sightedness in the face of imminent danger of fascism. A relatively independent branch of this area of political thought in the beginning of World War II becomes geopolitics (by Mackinder, Spykman, Mahan, and others) (Keohane and Nye 72-80). The founding father of the theory of political realism is considered to be the University of Chicago professor Hans Morgenthau. Already the first edition of his book Politic s among Nations. The struggle for Power and Peace in 1948 caused wide interest in science and the political environment not only in the U.S. but also in other Western countries (Pijl 3-34). In contrast to political realists, Woodrow Wilson and other representatives of the idealist direction are convinced that the states are not only non-singular, but also not major international actors. They believe that this role is played by international organizations (in this case, intergovernmental). At the same time, among the main problems of the theory and practice of international politics, realists point out the problems of implementation and protection of national interests, rivalry and balance of power in the global arena, strategies for achieving and maintaining state power (not least in its military dimension), conclusion and revision of interstate unions, depending on changes in the geopolitical (geostrategic) situation, etc. Idealists emphasize the existence of universal, human interests, values and ideals, the inalienable rights of human beings, the need for a comprehensive system of collective security in order to preserve and protect them. And while the political real ists insist that the major international processes are conflicts, the idealists are talking about negotiations and cooperation. Finally, according to political realists, the immutability of human nature and the whole experience of international relations show that the hopes for changing their nature and the creation of a new world order based on the rule of law and respect for the individuals interests are no more than a utopia. Idealists, by contrast, believe in achieving world harmony, the deliverance of mankind from the deadly and devastating armed conflict in the creativity of universal morality and international law (Keohane and Nye 113-142; Pijl 3-34; Mead). However, the confidence in the fact that the United States is intended to serve as an engine for spreading of democracy, free markets and individual freedom is the stable foundation for the interaction of the USA with the world. The fact that such bitter rivals as President Woodrow Wilson and Theodore Roosevelt equally widely considered American interests in the world, believing that the fate of the United States is inextricably linked to the character and conduct of countries around the world, underlines the prevalence of this ideology. Woodrow Wilson declared that all the nations are engaged in the life of the whole world, whether they like it or not; and thus, anything that affects mankind is inevitably our affair (Kennedy 81-84). Roosevelts idea of the global role of the USA was equally far-reaching; he stated that the country should accept the idea of international morality, and thus, be committed to doing everything possible to achieve fairness and integrity of the humanity as a whole, but should also feel obliged to judge all other nations by their actions in each separate case (Mead). This is, however, a clear evidence that the nature of American foreign policy is determined by serving to ideals, i.e. by incorrigible idealism, which can only be a part of a dynamic and complex process, while American foreign policy must constantly be balanced with sober strategic imperatives. Still, it can be said that sometimes Wilsons idealism was factually combined with the hard realism. For example, regretting over the reports on mistreatment of Armenians by Turks, Wilson resisted loud demands to declare war on the Turks, fearing to endanger the American missionary presence in the Middle East. Indeed, the reluctance of the United States to send American troops to support the nascent Armenian state after World War I contributed to the rapid collapse of Armenia (Mead). The way Wilson conducted the war also ruled out any hint on his starry-eyed idealism, as it was necessary to give effect to the power of the American military machine or the principle of power without limits and without measure proclaimed by Wilson. Thus, in the American involvement in World War I, we can see a strategy built by a hybrid of narrowly defined interests and deep-seated American principles (Kennedy 97-101). But in general, the very name of Woodrow Wilson has become a synonym to American idealism. His intention to make the world safe for democracy stimulated the American community, when the isolationist nation entered World War I. His speeches for self-identification generated deep resonance among nationalists throughout the world, and Wilson himself was considered as practically messianic figure (Kennedy 213-15; Mead). Modern Wilsonians believe that the U.S. should deal with international problems in close cooperation with other states and within the strict framework of international law. U.S. should also promote and disseminate widely the idea of democracy (Fukuyama 55-59). The process of globalization has played in this case the crucial and positive role. Wilsonian ideology is nowadays shared by most congressional Democrats. The modern interpretation of this school (neo-liberalism or transnationalism) is associated with the works of Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye. In neoliberal version, the major attention is focused on the processes of interdependence in the modern world and the growing role of non-state actors in world politics. Finally, we should rethink the question of what place should be taken by the spread of democracy in U.S. foreign policy. Perhaps the most false interpretation of the lessons the war in Iraq would be a complete rejection of neoconservative ideas, coupled with a tendency towards isolationism and realism in its cynical interpretation, because as a result, U.S. allies would consequently be friendly-minded authoritarian regimes (Fukuyama 134-37). Woodrow Wilsons idealistic policy, which builds international relations taking into account how other countries treat their own citizens, should generally be recognized correct, but should also be provided with greater realism, that was still lacking at the beginning of the 21st century.

The Critical Legal Studies Movement

The Critical Legal Studies Movement The Critical Legal Studies (CLS) movement came to the fore in the United States (US) in the 1970s. This movement is a body of like-minded thinkers who claim to attack the virtues that they say are proclaimed by the liberal legal system. It is a radical theoretical movement which rejects the distinction between law and politics and the notion that law can be neutral and value free. The movement proposes the integration of law and social theory. Since the Critical Legal Studies movement is relatively new, its value as a theory of law is still being assessed, but despite its continual development it has given much of interest to thinking about the law. Indeed, like other sceptical theories it may undermine the coherent world of law which legal academics and practitioners tend to portray. In Britain, the Critical Legal Conference was formed in 1984.  [1]   Although CLS has been largely a US movement, it was influenced to a great extent by European philosophers, such as nineteenth-century German social theorists Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels and Max Weber; Max Horkheimer and Harberd Marcuse of the Frankfrut School German social philosophy; the Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci; and poststructuralist French thinkers Michel Foucault and Jacques Derrida, representing respectively fields of history and literary theory. CLS has borrowed heavily from legal realism, the school of legal thought that flourished in the 1920s and 1930s. Like CLS scholars, legal realists rebelled against accepted legal theories of the day and urged more attention to the social context of the law. Among noted CLS scholars Roberto Mangabeira Unger, Robert W. Gordon, Mark Kelman, Peter Gabel, Morton J. Horwitz, Dunkan Kennedy and Katherine A. Mackinnon.  [2]   The founders of CLS found a yawning absence at the level of theory, fundamentally convinced that law and politics could not be separated. How could law be so tilted to favour the powerful, given the prevailing explanations of law as either democratically chosen or the result of impartial judicial reasoning from neutral principles? Yet how could law be a tool for social change, in the face of Marxist explanations of law as mere epiphenomenal outgrowths of the interests of the powerful? CLS scholars have influenced try to explain both why legal principles and doctrines do not yield determinate answers to specific disputes and how legal decisions reflect cultural and political values that shift over time. They focused from the start on the ways that law contributed to illegitimate social hierarchies, producing domination of women by men, nonwhites by whites, and the poor by the wealthy. They claim that apparently neutral language and institutions, operated through law, mask relationship s of power and control. The emphasis on individualism within the law similarly hides patterns of power relationships while making it more difficult to summon up a sense of community and human interconnection. Joining in their assault on these dimensions of law, CLS scholars have differed considerably in their particular methods and views.  [3]   One of the characteristic of CSL is that it has been rejected formalism. Formalism has tended to be the fall back position of liberal legal thinking when forced to confront the question: how can a legal system give the kinds of neutral decisions expected of it. Formalists, as CLS characterise them,  [4]  circumvent this problem by insisting that the judge is not imposing his or anyone elses values but merely interpreting the words of the law. By separating core and penumbra Hart could be taken to admit the problem by his indulgence that the judge had to have recourse to discretion in interpreting the penumbra of legal rules. CLS theorists also share the related view that the law is indeterminate. They have shown that using standard legal arguments, it is possible to reach sharply contrasting conclusions in individual cases. The conclusions reached in any case will have more to do with the social context in which they are argued and decided than with any overarching scheme of legal reasoning. Moreover, CLS scholars argue that the esoteric and convoluted nature of legal reasoning actually screens the laws indeterminacy. They have used the ideas of deconstruction to explore the ways in which legal texts are open to multiple interpretations. The CLS thesis refutes the claim that traditional legal scholarship produces rules and principles of law which guide human behaviour. Both legal formalism and positivism, which look upon law as a system of rules which are rationally made, are repudiated. Traditional legal scholarship treats the law as objective and neutral. The CLS claims that law can not be objective because human and social realities always manifest themselves in the legal discourses. Roberto Mangabeira Unger, who teaches at Harvard Law School and is widely regarded as the intellectual leader of the movement, now offers the public a short manifesto he describes as more a proposal than a description. It is an ambitious and impressive undertaking. It also defies summation. It is a carefully crafted statement with ideas interlocked like a chain-link fence that stretches as far as the eye can see. And the full purport of his message can only be appreciated by an attentive reading. Even so, five themes seem central to his argument. There were two distinct stages in the role of law in western societies before the modern era. First it served to establish and defend social hierarchies and social class divisions. Toward the end of the 18th century, however, it was put to the revolutionary task of protecting rights of individuals irrespective of their social rank or class. In this country the founding fathers relied on democracy (created by our public law, the Constitution) and the market (fostered by private law, notably contract) to give form and limits to those rights.  [5]   By the 20th century the context in which American law operated had drastically changed. Social arrangements sanctioned by law had come to include an array of hierarchies of economic power and pernicious social distinctions protected as rights by the very legal system created to establish individual freedom and equality. The politics of democracy and the blind forces of the market proved woefully inadequate to govern a society increasingly dominated by modern science and technology. Hence there is a compelling need to restructure our social order to make it compatible with freedom and equality. The way to accomplish this reconstruction, according to Roberto M. Unger, is not through classical revolution of the kind Marx advocated, brought about by an alliance between disaffected elites and the downtrodden. Rather law must be reinvented to give it a revolutionary new purpose: to lead the dismantling of the various hierarchies of power and privilege that through perversions of the legal process have come to threaten the higher values of our society.  [6]  Of property law, he says that it has its own inbuilt legal market which is a constitutional interest with its own legal structure in a democracy. According to him, the situation is fraught with ambiguity and indeterminacy, because of the abstract nature of the concept of rights. With respect to contract law, Unger explains that contract law allows freedom to contract, but that this is promptly contradicted by other principles which say that people can only bind themselves in contract for what the law allows. Unger present s an argument on formalism which states that every doctrine relies on some view of human associations which are right and realistic in social life. The lawyer needs a theory as his guiding vision, which prevents him from seeing legal reasoning as a game of analogies. To Unger, reliance on analogies leads to analogy-mongering, and this must stop. He claims that this received wisdom is challengeable as wrong, and to do this one should rely on a normative theory of a branch of law supplied by the CLS. This is Ungers deviation doctrine, which embellishes the CLSs nihilistic view of law. Mark G. Kelman examines the importance to criminal law of the stage that precedes legal analysis. His argument is that legal argument has two phases: interpretive construction and rational rhetoricism, and that the former, a vital step which undercuts the authority of the latter, goes virtually unexamined.  [7]  For example, the result of a case may depend on weather the defendants act is set in a board or narrow time frame. This issue has come to a head with a series of cases where battered women have murdered their husbands and the scope of the provocation defence has been tested.  [8]  If a broad time frame as been used she may have defences of provocation, even self-defence; in a narrow time frame she has committed murder. There is no meta-theory to determine the appropriate time frame; the decision accordingly is unreasonable. There are some techniques which the CLS have deployed in analyzing legal texts, namely Trashing, Deconstruction, Genealogy, etc. Leading CLS scholar Mark G. Kelman defends trashing against mainstream academic critics, claiming that the discrediting of accepted legal argument is good According to him the most frequently recurring theme in the attacks on our technique, the more-or-less hysterical counter-Revolution against Trashing. It is abundantly apparent that the vast preponderance of mainstream American legal academics were told (repeatedly) by their moms and dads, If you dont have anything nice or constructive to say, say nothing at all.  [9]   Again he stated that law-and-economics studies of private law rules have not actually analyzed the concrete implications of rule choices on particular occasions, pretensions of policy relevance to the contrary. Instead, they have again and again simply derived apologies for existing arrangements from a highly general and theoretical economic vision. There are two politically central insights of mainstream private law and economics scholarship: (1) In situations involving strangres (where markets cannot work because of transaction costs), proper legal rules that establish implicit fees for harming others can be applied to concrete cases so that parties who interact to create a joint cost will take all cost-justified, damage-averting precautions; and (2) in situations involving those in contractual relationships, competitive markets function in such a way that buyers inevitably get whatever they desire at the lowest possible price a [*308] price that is the sum of the production cost of the desired good and a normal profit sufficient to prevent industry exit. One goal, if not an inevitable effect, of trashing is to destabilize a variety of theoretical world views (and thus, one would hope, related [*328] commonsense world views) that imply the beneficence or inexorability of social life as we see it. Of course, asserting that there must be a causal connection between the high-level apologetics of the intelligentsia and the everyday mediating political ideals that help us organize and make sense of daily interactions would be patently ridiculous. But one can discern at least a close family resemblance between elaborate, mandarin apologetics and the more ordinary, complacency-inducing, commonsensical bits of wisdom without straining credulity.  [10]   According to Robert Gordon Decontruction is one of the CLS techniques best work is a familiar work kind of left-wing scholarship, unmasking the often unconscious ideological bias behind legal structures and procedures, which regularly makes it easy for business groups to organise collectively to pursue their economic and political interests but which makes it much more difficult for labour, poor people, civil rights groups to pursue theirs.  [11]   CLS claims that mainstream legal thought acts to reify; it does this by translating social practices into things. For example, the relation between employer and employee brings about a range of consequences and expectations for both parties. The terms confirm or foster an implicit hierarchy; both employer and employee will expect the latter to follow instructions and generally defer to the former. Another way to heighten awareness of the transitory, problematic, and manipulable ways legal discourses divide the world is to write their history under the Genealogy technique. Some critics charge that CLS work hampers progressive political movements by challenging the idea of the subject and human agency. Others view CLS work as unimportant or failing because of inadequate development of specific policies, strategies, or constructive direction. CLS is faulted for implying that simply changing how people think about law will change power relationships or constraints on social change, although a fair reading indicates that Crits simply treat changes in thought as a necessary but insufficient step for social change. Feminists and Critical Race Theorists object that conventional critical legal studies employ a critique of rights that neglects the concrete role of rights talk in the mobilization of oppressed and disadvantaged people. Robert Gordon has responded with a warning that even such mobilization efforts must be done with an experimental air and full knowledge that there are no deeper logics of historical necessity that can guarantee that what we do now will be justified later. Total Word Count: 2110.

Essay --

Sastra merupakan suatu bentuk karya yang tertulis dengan makna dan tujuan tertentu dari pengarangnya. Karya sastra bervariasi bentuknya, ada yang pendek ada yang panjang, ada yang terikat aturan ada yang bebas. Karya sastra tertulis dibuat untuk merekam kejadian yang terjadi pada saat itu di masa lampau. Seiring dengan perkembangan jaman, makna sastra berkembang dan jenisnya pun beragam. Puisi adalah salah satu cara para penyair untuk mendeskripsikan kondisi sosial pada suatu masa atau era. Sejak dahulu Indonesia sudah terkenal dengan karya-karya sastra yang berbentuk pantun, sajak, gurindam, mantera, syair dan lain sebagainya. Karya-karya ini digunakan untuk berbagai macam kejadian seperti pernikahan, kematian dan acara sosial lainnya. Seiring dengan perkembangan jaman, berkembanglah pula karya-karya sastra tersebut dan muncullah jenis-jenis puisi baru. Puisi-puisi baru tersebut juga digunakan sebagai salah satu bentuk ekspresi dari seorang sastrawan untuk mengungkapkan perasaan dan pendapat terhadap kondisi sosial yang berlaku di masyarakat. Baik berupa pujian maupun berupa sindiran atau protes. Karya sastra merupakan potret sejarah yang mencerminkan kondisi sosial masyarakat, politik, ekonomi dan budaya yang terjadi pada saat itu. Puisi yang akan dibahas dibuat pada tahun 1978 pada masa awal pemerintahan Soeharto setelah kesekian kalinya. W.S. Rendra membuat puisi â€Å"mata-mata† dengan suatu tujuan untuk memprotes sekaligus merefleksikan kondisi sosial masyarakat Indonesia berdasarkan pengalaman pribadinya hidup di jaman itu. Puisi yang akan dibahas ini adalah sebuah puisi yang berjudul â€Å"mata-mata† karya WS. Rendra. Beliau adalah salah satu penyair terhebat dan paling dikenang di Indonesia sepanjang masa. Bentuk puisi â€Å"mata-... ...si ini ditulis. Sehingga hasil interpretasi bisa menjadi tepat dengan adanya dukungan dari sejarah dan kejadian nyata. 1.4.1 Metode Pengumpulan Data 1.4.1.1 Sumber Primer 1.4.1.2 Sumber Sekunder Sumber sekunder dapat didapatkan dan dikumpulkan melalui puisi ini sendiri, buku dan situs-situs Internet. Informasi yang akan digunakan akan diseleksi dan dipilih secara seksama sehingga informasi yang didapatkan relevan dan terpecaya. Esai ini bertujuan untuk menganalisa dan mengupas tuntas sebuah puisi yang berjudul â€Å"mata – mata† karya WS. Rendra untuk menjawab sebuah pertanyaan â€Å"bagaimana puisi â€Å"mata – mata† dapat menunjukkan kondisi sosial Indonesia? Dengan cara menganalisa dan mengupas tuntas dengan berbagai teknik dan teori, maka arti dan tujuan dari puisi itu sendiri seakan-akan dapat diperjelas dan lebih nampak agar lebih mudah untuk dimengerti oleh semua orang.

The main paper -- Essays Papers

The main paper In response to the tragic events of September 11, 2001, there has been renewed interest in the creation of a national identification system, typically embodied in a "smart" ID card, as a component of a national counter-terrorism strategy. National ID cards have been advocated as a means to enhance national security, unmask potential terrorists, and guard against illegal immigrants. "The core issue can be expressed as a question: What actions should the federal government take to certify the identity of its citizens and other persons in its jurisdiction, and what role should computing technology play in that process? To deal with questions like this, lawmakers, leaders, and government agencies often begin the policymaking process by seeking the advice of expert panels"(CSC4735 Forum). In overall, there are many opinions that people agree with the national ID card; also many of them disagree with it too. In my opinion the national ID card system would not protect us from terrorism, but it would create a system of internal passports that would significantly diminish the freedom and privacy of law-abiding citizens. Larry Ellison, head of Oracle Corporation, the California based software company, has called for the development a national identification system and offered to donate the technology to make this possible. He proposed ID cards with embedded digitized thumbprints and photographs of all legal residents in the United States (Black). In recent ideas, ID cards have been linked to national registration systems, which in turn form the basis of government administration. In such systems the ID card becomes merely one visible component of a much larger system, with the advent of magnetic stripes and microprocess... ...debates over health are reform, the Clinton Administration also constantly stressed that it was opposed a national identifier. In 1999 Congress repealed a controversial provision in the Legal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996, which gave authorization to include Social Security Numbers on drivers' licenses. For conclusion, there are some reasons that discussed in this paper. I think the national ID card system would not protect us from terrorism, but it would create a system of internal passports that would significantly diminish the freedom and privacy of law-abiding citizens. So now imagine this. A police officer stops you in your car. Scan your license, matches your fingerprint with a central database and has immediate access to a plethora of information, including whether you are on a terrorist watch list. What would you think?

Just War Theory as Applied to Operation Just Cause Essay -- American F

Since its inception as a country in 1776 the United States has carried a tainted record in conducting just operations involving regime changes to achieve the goal of timely creating a minimally just political community. For example, on one hand the U.S. has been a part of one of the most just, successful, and commendable regime changes in history when they helped defeat and reconstruct Japan and Germany after World War II. On the other hand the U.S. has been a part of one of the worst and unjust operations conducted in history involving Cuba and the Bay of Pigs invasion. Between these two extremes there are many other operations which focused on the goal to change a regime where their rightness has been called into question based on one or more aspects of the just war theory. Just war theory is explained best by author, Brian Orend, and states that, â€Å"sometimes, it is at least morally permissible for a political community to go to war and features a goal to restrain both the in cidence and destructiveness of war† (Orend, 31). One of these operations where the rightness of the invasion was called into question is Operation Just Cause. Operation Just Cause was the invasion of Panama by the United States in December of 1989. The operation was spearheaded by President George H. W. Bush and its goal was to replace the current leader of Panama, General Noriega, with the rightfully elected new leader, Guillermo Endara. Manuel Noriega had close ties with the United States throughout the years by serving as an informant and asset to the U.S. against the Soviet Union during the Cold War. His efforts included sabotaging the Soviet supported governments in both El Salvador and Nicaragua, which helped reduce Soviet control in Central America (... ... to war under jus ad bellum, the question must be answered as to whether the United States followed the principles of jus in bello, which is adhering to the right conduct in the midst of battle (Orend, 105). Jus in bello is divided into two types of rules—internal and external, and the responsibility of following these rules rests in the hands of a state’s armed forces, rather than its political leaders. Internal rules concern how a state during war should treat its own citizens, while external rules concern how a state should conduct itself in the midst of war regarding the enemy state and its civilians (Orend, 106). In assessing if the U.S. followed the principles of jus in bello, a focus will be placed on the external rules rather than the internal rules because the invasion was not a serious war and was ultimately limited to one day that was limited to Panama.

Ensuring People Support for Education and Training Programs Essay

A collaborative effort is a key to success in the field of continuing education.   That is to maintain partnership with the learners, the supervisors and, the managers.   To ensure support from each participant it is important that there is connectivity before, during, and after the training program.   After all, learning is effective when it is applied as well as teaching is assimilated when it is explained. In Cafarella’s book, the five primary purpose of education was explicitly stated that is; â€Å"to encourage growth, to assist with practical problems, to prepare people for current and future opportunities, to assist with change for desired results, and to examine community or social issues (Schultz, 2002).†   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Educators are tasked to elaborate from the beginning the reason of the training program and if it is presented to learners as useful and not mandatory support from the learner is ensured even from the start of the program.   Key people or the supervisors can be invited in the planning process so that they can tell the planner or the educator actual experiences on how the knowledge will be applied.   Also it is best to include the supervisors in giving decisions on when is the training program be scheduled so that critical schedule in their operations will not be hampered.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   During trainings learners should get involved in the discussion by inviting them to give examples and with those actual situations mentioned by the participants, trainers should help the learner to reflect on the subject and how it could be applied.   Supervisors at the same time can be asked to mentor or assist in the on-going program.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Training program does not end at the venue but probing whether the learning process is blocked after instruction was given ensures effectiveness of the course.   Learners should be encouraged to help one another and evaluate the learning process.   Supervisors should be asked on the feedback if the course has been effective by checking if what is learned was applied in each participants actual work situation.   To ensure continuous support and partnership, endings should be addressed whether it is positive or negative (Caffarella, 2002).   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Managers are tasked to implement goals and objectives; they are the one who manage change.   To ensure their support from beginning to end, they should be asked to provide consultations before and after.   They should be convinced that the program is helping their organization to grow. References Schultz, J. D. (2002). Book Review: Planning Programs for Adult Learners, 2nd Edition by Rosemary A. Caffarella [Electronic Version]. Retrieved 12 February 2008 from http://www.exchangesjournal.org/reviews/review_1107.html. Caffarella, R.A. (2002).   Planning Programs for Adult Learners (Chapter 5), 2nd Edition, 403 pages ISBN: 0-7879-5225-7.

Behavioral Genetics and Human Personality

People do possess certain behaviors that make us unique from one another. People do vary in their behavior or the way we think, feel and act. The complexity of human behavior and understanding its nature has been the main interests of those studying behavioral genetics. We all know that if we inherit our physical attributes with our parents we also inherit their behavior which we call genotypes.We are also aware of the role of the society, culture or the environment in shaping one’s behavior. Which of the two then exerts the greatest influence in our life? In order to identify which really molds human behavior a family studies, adoption studies and twin studies where conducted. In these three settings the siblings are compared with their shared and non-shared experiences. The environment provides the child with care, education and other experiences.People differ in many ways in terms of intelligence, mental states, social ability, self-concept or self-esteem, attitudes, belief s and preferences. Genetics versus environment can also be called nature versus nurture in shaping behavior. The debate between the two tries to challenge the fact that genotypes or the nature of a person’s behavior can be altered by the environment or the inherited traits will remain the same and control the person no matter how strong the influence of the environment.Suicidal tendencies and anti-social behavior for example are studied if it is inherited or purely environmental. In my own opinion the behavior could depend upon the individual’s personal adjustment or resistance to the environment that can create a difference in our behavior. Work Cited Haimowitz, Avi. Heredity versus Environment: Twin, Adoption and Family Studies. November 2005. Rochester Institute of Technology: Great Ideas in Personality 4 June 2009